Lebanon’s leaders have done little to help victims; instead they are busy trying to shift blame
ONE COULD be forgiven for thinking Hassan Diab a mere bystander, not the prime minister of Lebanon. On August 10th, six days after a massive explosion at Beirut’s port devastated much of the city centre, Mr Diab announced his resignation. In a ten-minute speech he denounced a “system of corruption” that is “bigger than the state”, one that bankrupted the country and crippled basic services.
But his departure also reflects the vicious infighting that followed the explosion. . In a speech on August 8th Mr Diab asked for early elections and said he would remain in office for two months. His call angered some powerful lawmakers, notably Nabih Berri, the eternal speaker of parliament. Mr Berri announced an open session on August 13th at which lawmakers could question the government about the disaster—setting up Mr Diab and his ministers to take the fall.
Few Lebanese will miss Mr Diab’s feckless government. The currency has lost 80% of its value on the black market since October. Inflation is at 90% and nearly 250% for foodstuffs. The cabinet put forward a well-received economic plan in March, meant to reduce Lebanon’s crushing debts and clean up its insolvent financial sector, only to backpedal under pressure from bankers and MPs.
Low turnout is understandable: many Lebanese are dealing with the aftermath of the explosion. Countless volunteers still throng the streets of east Beirut, helping families and business-owners clear debris from their ruined properties. Universities have organised teams of engineers to check the structural integrity of damaged buildings. The vast diaspora have contributed money, arranged shipments of medicine and offered vacant homes for the newly homeless.
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