The genuine hope that a lasting truce could be made in Myanmar has withered
JUST FOUR years ago, war-weary Burmese could imagine that one day the guns might go silent. It was August 2016 and Aung San Suu Kyi was hosting the “21st Century Panglong Conference”, the first of several talks designed to end the numerous ethnic insurgencies that have ravaged the country since its founding in 1948.
It was never going to be easy. Ms Suu Kyi inherited what is often described as the world’s longest-running civil war. Her peace process was named after the first “Panglong conference”, convened by her father, Burma’s independence leader, in 1947.
The army is not helping. Ms Suu Kyi cannot force it to extend an olive branch to its foes. The constitution gives the army, or Tatmadaw, control of the ministries of defence, border and home affairs, and a quarter of the seats in parliament, giving it in effect a veto on constitutional reform. It “has not made any commitments or any real concessions to ethnic groups during the peace process,” says Tom Kramer of TI.
The Tatmadaw leaves Ms Suu Kyi little room to manoeuvre. Yet she has made many missteps. At first she set about jump-starting the peace process with gusto. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, a think-tank, her hope was that a deal would be the swiftest route to constitutional reform, the only way to curb the power of the army, something Ms Suu Kyi longs to do. The army has said that resolving hostilities is a precondition for reform.
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