Rep. Matt Gaetz arrives at a meeting with lawmakers to hear from House Speaker candidates at the Longworth House Office Building on October 10, 2023 in Washington, DC.
For generations, it has been an article of faith that Republicans were the party that more staunchly supported Israel. In foreign policy circles, that part of the GOP identity was as hardwired as the slogan of “peace through strength.” To even question Israel was akin toon the graves of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, or in recent years, questioning the GOP base’s loyalty to Donald Trump.
Republicans now face a similar test, one where America’s reputation as an ally who could be trusted to deliver when it counts hangs in the balance. Everyone who has watched Congress closely over the years expects both chambers to agree on a supplemental tranche of cash for Israel without much debate. Yet, without a Speaker of the House in place, such a spending plan cannot come to the floor for a vote. Biden’s team can reprogram some dollars and find unspent reserves elsewhere.
There is an obvious practical need for Republicans to sort out their squabbles. A majority of Americans have a favorable opinion of Israel, according to Pew Research Centerfrom last year. But there’s a clear partisan split that has widened in recent years; Pew finds a 27-point gap between Republicans and Democrats when it comes to Israel.
Which brings the conversation back to whether history matters here in the least. U.S. dollars have funded—with varying degrees of courage and cringe—more than a half-century of foreign policy dominance. There have seldom been conflicts where Washington hasn’t puffed up a chest and assessed that what the U.S. allies needed were greenbacks and grit. No one can credibly say all of those have gone well; it doesn’t stretchto say the only declared war that the U.S.
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